steps towards the russian revolution

"I shall maintain the principle of autocracy just as
firmly and unflinchingly as it was preserved by my unforgettable dead
father.” (Nicholas II) In spite of the Czar\'s decrees and declarations, Russia, by the beginning of the 20th century, was overripe for revolution. This statement is supported by political and socioeconomic conditions in late monarchial Russia.
Nicholas II was the Czar of Russia from 1896-1917, and his rule
was the brute of political disarray. An autocrat, Nicholas II had continued the divine-right monarchy held by the Romanovs for many generations. Since the day Russia appointed Nicholas II as Emperor, many problems arose with the people. Traditionally at coronations, the Emperor would leave presents for the peasants outside Moscow. The people rapidly rushed to grab the gifts, and trampled thousands in the bedlam. As an autocrat, no other monarch in Europe claimed such large powers or stood so high above his subjects as Nicholas II. Autocracy was traditionally impatient and short-tempered. Nicholas II wielded his power through his bureaucracy, which consisted of the most knowledgeable and skilled members of Russian high society. Like the Czar, the bureaucracy, or chinovniki, stood above the people and was always in danger of being poisoned by their own power. When Sergei Witte was appointed as Russia\'s Minister of Finance from 1892 to 1903, he attempted to solve Russia\'s "riddle of backwardness" in its governmental system. (Trotsky) He was considered more of a forerunner of Stalin rather than a contemporary of Nicholas II. In 1900, Witte wrote a memorandum to Nicholas II, underscoring the necessity of industrialization in Russia. After the government implemented Witte\'s plan, Russia had an industrial upsurge. All of Russia, however, shared a deep-seated resentment of the sudden jump into an unpleasant way of life. Witte realized that Nicholas II was not capable of carrying Russia to an industrial nation as a Great Power. Nicholas II weakness were obvious to himself when he said, "I always give in and in the end am made the fool, without will, without character." (Trotsky) At this time, the Czar could no longer lead. His ministers bickered amongst themselves and cliques and special-interest groups interfered with the conduct of government. Nicholas II never took interest in public opinion, and seemed oblivious to what was happening around him. He remained convinced that he would be able to handle Russia himself. By 1902, the peasants had revolted against Witte\'s industrialization movements, which were marked by an increase in taxes (Russia spent more than it ever had). Russia was struggling in the European and Asian markets, and with much domestic unrest, Nicholas II did not want foreign affairs muddled as well. By August 1903, Nicholas II dismissed Witte from the Minister of Finance.
January 22, 1905, commonly known as Bloody Sunday, was a revolutionary event only because of what followed not of what actually happened on that day. A group of workers and their families were determined, with the backing of several officials, to present a petition to the Czar. As they approached the Winter Palace, rifles sprayed them with bullets. This cruel act demanded by the Czar shattered whatever faith the workers and peasants still held for Nicholas II, and sparked the quickly-aborted "October Revolution."
Peasants and workers revolted in an elemental and anarchic rebellion, ultimately turning a large-scale strike and bringing the government, economy, and all public services to a complete halt. By October 1905, the relations between the Czar and his subjects had come to a complete breakdown. The October Manifesto, created in 1905, caused two changes. First, it granted basic civil liberties to all, despite religion or nationality; it even legalized political parties. This concession was capped by the creation of an elected legislative body, the Imperial Duma. Second, it split the revolutionary front, reconciling the most cautious elements among the moderates, and with a government, it promised to end the abuses of autocracy. This formed the political party called Octobrist, which lead the Duma.
From 1907-1911, Peter Stolypin was Chair of the Soviet of Ministers. Stolypin\'s goal was to seal the rift between the government and the public. His scheme was a moderate one, based largely on Witte\'s earlier suggestions. Its’ essence was the creation of a prosperous and conservative element in the countryside composed of "the strong